The move — unfolding at the Federal High Court in Abuja — has sparked accusations of selective justice and ethnic bias, particularly among voices from Nigeria’s minority regions, who believe the anti-graft agency applies different standards based on ethnicity and political influence.
Public outrage is growing in Adamawa State over a plea bargain reached between the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and former Governor Murtala Nyako in a N29 billion corruption case that has dragged on for more than ten years.
The move — unfolding at the Federal High Court in Abuja — has sparked accusations of selective justice and ethnic bias, particularly among voices from Nigeria’s minority regions, who believe the anti-graft agency applies different standards based on ethnicity and political influence.
At the last court sitting on Friday, July 11, 2025, prosecuting counsel Rotimi Jacobs, SAN, informed the court that discussions were ongoing between both parties to reach an out-of-court settlement.
“If we get a week’s adjournment, we should be able to resolve this,” Jacobs had told Justice Peter Lifu, who adjourned the matter to July 18 for the parties to present a formal report of settlement.
Nyako’s lawyer, Chief Michael Aondoakaa, SAN, who once served as Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, confirmed that talks were at an advanced stage and expressed optimism about a peaceful resolution.
Nyako is standing trial alongside his son, Senator Abdul-Aziz Nyako, and several companies linked to the family, including Sebore Farms, Pagado Fortunes Ltd, and others, on a 37-count charge bordering on criminal conspiracy, theft, and money laundering.
Under Section 270 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015, the law permits plea bargaining as a means to speed up trials and recover looted funds. It allows a defendant to plead guilty in exchange for a lighter sentence or fine, or the return of stolen assets.
However, critics argue that the EFCC has weaponised the legal provision to favour well-connected individuals, thereby undermining public trust in the justice system.
According to Jaleel Musa, a Yola-based legal analyst, “Plea bargaining wasn’t designed to legitimize corruption. It’s not justice if offenders walk free simply by refunding a token fraction of what they looted.”
The development has revived painful memories of how other former governors, particularly those from minority ethnic groups, received harsher outcomes for similar offences.
Jonathan Kauna, a public affairs commentator from Plateau State, referenced the convictions of Joshua Dariye (Plateau) and Jolly Nyame (Taraba), both of whom were tried, convicted, and jailed for corruption-related offences.
“In contrast,” Kauna said, “some high-profile defendants like Danjuma Goje of Gombe and two ex-governors from Jigawa, all of Hausa-Fulani extraction, had their charges either withdrawn or quietly dropped.”
These inconsistencies, critics argue, foster a sense of ethno-political injustice, where those perceived to be from majority groups or powerful networks are allowed to negotiate freedom while others face full prosecution.
Concerns have also been raised about the political weight Nyako carries—and the fact that his wife, Justice Binta Nyako, currently serves as a judge of the Federal High Court.
Observers fear that such connections may embolden elite defendants to manipulate legal loopholes.
“This case is a test of Nigeria’s judicial independence,” said Zainab Lawan, a civil society advocate. “Justice must not only be done but be seen to be done—without fear or favour.”
As the July 18 court date approaches, legal observers, rights activists, and the public are urging the EFCC to publish the terms of any plea agreement to ensure transparency, equity, and accountability.
While plea bargaining remains a legitimate tool under Nigerian law, critics insist that it must not become a shortcut to impunity.
“Justice must serve both as punishment and deterrence,” Kauna concluded. “Otherwise, the fight against corruption becomes a selective charade.”